Korean Fact of the Day: PSY is No. 2

PSY's newest single, Gentleman, shattered the record by surpassing 100 million Youtube views in just four days. But in Korea, PSY is already old and busted. The new hotness? The legendary Jo Yong-pil [조용필]. Jo's Bounce, the title song from his newest album Hello, just took the number 1 spot on one of the Korean music charts (Bugs Real Time Chart) away from Gentleman.

By the way, Jo Yong-pil is 63 years old, and Hello is his 19th regular album. His musical achievements are enough to easily place him within top five of the most influential K-pop artists of all time. (And no, that should not be a spoiler.) There is a reason why Koreans refer to Jo as the "King of Singers" [가왕].

If you are curious, have a listen at Bounce.



Got a question or a comment for the Korean? Email away at askakorean@gmail.com.

When Korea's E-Sports was at the Brink of Death

Dear Korean,

I heard there was a huge scandal regarding E-sports about 2-3 years ago. From what I've heard, the scale of the scandal was so big that it almost put an end to the E-Sports itself. Would you be willing to explain what exactly happened back then? How did the Koreans react to the scandal?

Avid gamer


It has been more than three years since the Korean wrote the post about the popularity of Starcraft in Korea. Incredibly, it is still one of the most frequently read posts of this blog. Consider this post to be a sequel: how illegal gambling and match-fixing nearly destroyed the world's first professional e-sports league in Korea.

First, a quick review on how Starcraft became a professional sport in Korea. Starcraft was released in 1998. For a game released at that time, Starcraft had an ambitious Internet-based multi-player gameplay. This was ambitious because, at the time, it was not clear who would be able to take advantage of this multi-player design. Remember that 15 years ago, only a small portion of the world's population had Internet, and most of those who did have Internet relied on dial-up connection through the phone lines, utterly inadequate for online gaming.


Korea, however, recognized the potential of the Internet early on, and began a massive public investment in installing a fiber-optic cable network throughout the country. The result was that, by the end of 20th century, Korea had a national broadband network that boasted the fastest Internet in the world by a wide margin. Using the unparalleled Internet infrastructure, Koreans begin playing Starcraft, the best Internet-based multi-player game available. The rest is history: Korea is the forefront of the worldwide e-sports, with televised video games and professional gamers with rock star-like status.

(The lesson: government is good, and it should be in the business of picking winners and losers. If Korean government did not take the initiative in the late 1990s to invest a fortune in installing fiber-optic cables, but waited instead for private companies to build their own, would Korea be a major player in the high-tech industry that it is today? Would Korea have created, seemingly out of thin air, professional e-sports leagues, an entire new multi-million dollar market that can only grow in importance in the age of the Internet? If you say yes, the Korean has some Ron Paul presidential memorabilia to sell to you.)

Starcraft began becoming professional around 2000. Independent Starcraft tournaments began sprouting up, and cable televisions in Korea would broadcast the matches. In fact, in many cases the cable TV stations were the ones hosting the tournaments, with a prize money funded by its sponsors in exchange for advertisement placements. Soon, a pattern emerged: Korea's Starcraft leagues and players operated somewhat like professional golf--a collection of different tournaments, with varying levels of competition, prize money, and prestige.

For the next several years, the popularity of professional Starcraft leagues would grow exponentially. Then came 2007.

(More after the jump.)

Got a question or a comment for the Korean? Email away at askakorean@gmail.com.



KeSPA, and the Broadcasting Rights Controversy

The fate of professional Starcraft leagues in Korea would encounter a major turning point in 2007. By 2007, Starcraft was fully mainstream. There were 12 professional teams, all of whose players received regular salaries from major corporations who sponsored the teams. Eleven of the professional teams--or, more precisely, the corporate owners of the teams--belonged to Korea e-Sports Association (KeSPA), which was formed in 1999. (The Republic of Korea Air Force opened its own professional team to ensure that the pro gamers remained in game-shape during their mandatory military service. The Air Force is not a part of KeSPA.)

KeSPA logo
(source)

In 2007, KeSPA made a major announcement that would fundamentally change the way e-sports were being run in Korea. Instead of a golf-like system, KeSPA wanted a baseball-like system: a single league in which only a select number of league-sanctioned professional teams may play against one another.

Why did KeSPA want to change the format of play? The universal motivator: money. As KeSPA was made up of all professional Starcraft teams then in existence, it claimed that it owned the broadcasting rights of its players' games. (Since the players were drawing salaries from their teams, they hardly complained.) Previously, each cable TV station was free to host its own tournament with sponsors of its choosing, accept players who survived the preliminaries or invite major players, and broadcast that tournament. Now, according to KeSPA, anyone who wanted to broadcast any professional Starcraft game had to pay KeSPA for the broadcasting rights, because it owned the broadcasting rights over its players. If the tournaments would not pay, the players would not show up to the tournaments. At the same time, KeSPA would host its own tournaments to crowd out the previously established Starcraft tournaments.

Imagine that, suddenly, the PGA began claiming ownership over the broadcasting rights of Tiger Woods, Rory McIlroy and the majority of the world's professional golfers worth watching on television. And then the PGA demanded that Augusta National Golf Club pay it a boatload of money to broadcast the Masters. If Augusta does not pay, no professional golfer on PGA's payroll will attend the Masters. In addition, PGA would host its own series of golf tournaments every weekend, so that golf-watchers can forget all about the Masters. That is exactly what KeSPA did to Korea's e-sports.

An ugly series of lawsuits, backroom negotiations and public clashes followed. When a cable TV station refused to pay for the broadcasting right to hold its tournament, a KeSPA official ordered the players to quit in the middle of the tournament, on live television. The matter became even more complicated when Blizzard--the guys who created Starcraft in the first place--intervened to claim a share of the broadcasting rights. Blizzard had a point: if KeSPA is earning money by hawking the broadcasting rights of its players interacting with Blizzard's intellectual property, why wouldn't Blizzard deserve a share of that money? Based on this argument, Blizzard claimed that it had its own broadcasting rights of Starcraft games, and licensed the rights to Gom TV, an Internet TV station in Korea. Gom TV hosted its own tournament, called Gom TV Classic, which lasted just three seasons over two years as it became unclear whether the KeSPA players would continue participating in the tourney.

Meanwhile, to maximize their leverage, KeSPA began hosting a huge number of its own games. KeSPA correctly realized that its biggest asset is the stars on their payroll--the greatest Starcraft players who were becoming household names in Korea. Parading its stars for its own tournaments, and taking them away from other independent tournaments, were the best weapons that KeSPA could wield. Thus, beginning in 2007, KeSPA would hold professional matches five times a week, and added more post-season playoff games. To make the game more about the stars, KeSPA stopped holding team versus team games, and only hosted one-on-one matches. Also, to build the anticipation for the games, KeSPA announced the match-up of the players up to 48 hours in advance.

All of these measures fertilized the ground for corruption. KeSPA may have wanted baseball, but from the perspective of Korea's e-sports fans, the game began to resemble boxing: renowned individual players walking into a much-hyped match, which was preceded by a number of less important under-cards. When the game takes on the characteristics of arguably the world's most corrupt professional sport, perhaps it should not have been a surprise that the same type of corruption would taint Korea's e-sports.

The Maestro's Match Fixing

Except at a small number of casinos around the country, gambling in Korea is illegal. Betting on sports, except through the government-issued sports lottery and government-run horse- and bike-racing, is likewise illegal. But illegal gambling is ubiquitous wherever gambling is illegal, and Korea is not an exception.

Illegal gambling on Starcraft matches began as early as 2006, when Starcraft was well on its way to becoming a mainstream entertainment. But there were only a handful of illegal gambling websites in 2006 that allowed betting on StarCraft. When the stories of Starcraft betting began leaking, it was actually KeSPA that took the lead by bringing in the police and shutting down the gambling websites. For a year or two, the Starcraft gambling front was quiet.

So it is rather ironic that KeSPA--which ought to be in charge of maintaining e-sport's integrity, in exchange for the broadcasting rights it claimed--contributed toward the proliferation of the second scourge of betting on Starcraft games. Every change that KeSPA made since 2007 to professional Starcraft made it easier for gambling. Because the games were played five days a week, there were more games to bet on. More games also meant that the games became more predictable, as the grueling tournament schedule robbed the players of the time to devise different and creative strategies. Pre-releasing the match-up likewise made the games more predictable. KeSPA persisted and made these changes stick. Seizing on more favorable grounds, dozens of illegal gambling sites for betting on Starcraft mushroomed again by late 2008. It was just a matter of time before these illegal gambling sites had the players and league officials on their payroll.

Everything blew up in April 2010, when the first allegations of match-fixing appeared. The Supreme Prosecutor's Office launched a month-long investigation, and made shocking a revelation: at least nine pro players and two former players were involved in match-fixing, in addition to several brokers and former league officials. Particularly shocking was the participation of Ma Jae-yun [마재윤], considered one of the greatest players in the history of the game.

Ma Jae-yun celebrating the victory of the 2006-2007 Starcraft season.
(source)
The ridiculous dominance of Ma as a player deserves an additional explanation. Much like the way the NBA is obsessed with the question of "Who is the next Michael Jordan?", serious fans of Starcraft pro leagues are always keen on identifying the best player in the game, historically and of today. In the ten years of e-sports history, the fans would gradually agree upon the unbroken lineage of greatness, going from Im Yo-hwan [임요환] (Battle.net ID: BoxeR) to Lee Yun-yeol [이윤열] (NaDa) to Choi Yeon-seong [최연성] (iloveoov) and finally to Ma Jae-yun (first ipxzerg, later sAviOr). Each one of these players' online IDs was--and is--spoken with reverence in the worldwide Starcraft community. The adoring fans would bestow them superlative nicknames. For example, Im would come to be known as "the Emperor of Terran," and later simply as "the Emperor."

But even within this lineage, Ma Jae-yun was special. He was the impetus that made the Starcraft fans develop a sense of history: Ma was so dominant that he compelled the e-sports fans to look back on the history of e-sports, to find the examples of other players who similarly dominated. In this sense, Ma was more like Michael Jordan than anyone else. Prior to Jordan, the NBA fans were not as obsessed about who was the greatest player in the game. After MJ, that was the only question that mattered. Those who came before and after the game--Wilt, Russell, Kareem, Bird, Magic on one side, Iverson, Kobe, Wade and LeBron on the other--would come to be compared by the gold standard of Michael Jordan. In the world of Starcraft professional leagues, Ma Jae-yun was that gold standard.

Starcraft, in the most basic terms, is a strategy game featuring a galactic battle among the three distinct "races": Terran, Protoss and Zerg. Terran are the humans of the 25th century, flung far away from their original habitat of Earth. Protoss is an alien race with psychic powers and advanced technology. Zerg is also an alien race, bug-like and akin to the extraterrestrials from the movie Alien. Starcraft was a great game because the three races were extremely well balanced in their strengths and weaknesses, allowing for a huge permutation in the number of strategies. At a professional level, however, Terran always had a small advantage over the other two races. Thus, the three "greats" previous to Ma Jae-yun were all Terran players.

But Ma played Zerg. Yet, he rose to stardom by utterly destroying the field of Terran fighters. By 2005, Ma Jae-yun would regularly destroy Choi Yeon-seong, considered the greatest player at the time. Im Yo-hwan and Lee Yun-yeol were summoned to challenge this upstart, and the result was the same--Ma Jae-yun destroyed them all. The adoring fans began calling Ma "the Maestro," who conducted the Zerg swarm as if they were a well-honed orchestra. As Ma's Zergling swarm ripped apart the hapless Terran army, Ma's orchestra of death and defeat would play the song of despair in the opponents' mind.

Ma Jae-yun became so dominant that, in the 2006-2007 season, the tournament officials would change the tournament maps in Terran's favor. With the added handicap, Ma was the only Zerg player in the tournament left standing. Even Ma's most devoted fans whispered that, given the tilted field, Ma's defeat would be honorable. But Ma did not lose. In the semi-finals of the playoff, Ma Jae-yun would defeat Byeon Hyeong-tae (berserker) (who also played Terran) in a 3-2 dogfight.

The final, held on February 24, 2007, was against Lee Yun-yeol, himself one of the greatest. Even with the added advantage of the map, it was no contest: Ma would win in a walk, finishing off Lee three games to one. In the diminishing moments of the final game, Lee gathered its last remaining forces, and made one last desperate push--even as Ma Jae-yun's forces were destroying his main base. Even though Ma had split his forces in two to attack Lee's main base and defend against Lee's final push, Ma repelled the attack. The incredulous announcers screamed: "Lee Yun-yeol is but a man! A man cannot defeat God!"



(The final game of the Lee-Ma match. Scroll to around 15 minute mark for the declaration that Ma Jae-yun was God.)

On February 24, 2007, Ma Jae-yun made history in e-sports spectatorship: for the first time in the history of professional Starcraft league, absolutely no Starcraft fan disputed that he was the greatest. Head-and-shoulders above the competition, Ma stood alone. The fandom bestowed Ma a new nickname: bonjwa [본좌], a name given to the greatest martial artist fighter in the land. With the new title bonjwa, the fans began to compile the history of e-sports to search for the bonjwas of the past. In this sense, Ma Jae-yun meant more to the game than just about anyone else in the history of pro Starcraft: Ma was the player who made the fans have a sense of history, a heightened appreciation of what they were watching. 

Ma's reign, of course, did not last. Even Michael Jordan had to decline, and finally retire. By 2010, Ma was no longer the greatest. But in the minds of the Starcraft fans, Ma Jae-yun, the godlike Maestro, remained a hero. Then everything came crashing down: Ma Jae-yun was one of the ringleaders of the illegal gambling ring.

The eleven professional players who were arrested participated in illegal gambling in varying degrees. In some cases, the involvement was very slight. One player, for example, simply made a bet that he would win as a motivational tactic before he played. But other, more serious actions clearly damaged the integrity of the game. Some players sold the practice footages of their own teammates to the gamblers, giving away the strategy before the game was played. Some of the players intentionally threw the game in exchange for money.

Ma Jae-yun claimed that he never threw any game, but admitted that he acted as a middleman, persuading other players to throw the game and delivering money. For a player with a stature like Ma Jae-yun, however, being the middleman is a greater sin than actually throwing the matches. The fact that Ma was involved in illegal gambling legitimized gambling and match-fixing to younger, lesser players. As one writer put it, in the world of pro Starcraft, the fall of Ma was not comparable to the fall of Lucifer; it was as if Jesus Christ himself switched teams and appointed himself to be the overseer of Satan.

In the end, the court found eight people, including Ma Jae-yun, guilty for criminal charges of illegal gambling and match-fixing. The eleven pro gamers were permanently banned from e-sports.

The Death Spiral of e-Sports

The match-fixing scandal was the punctuation point of the sport that was already in decline. The KeSPA-mandated five games a week schedule was already destroying the league in various ways. Because the schedule was so demanding, the players no longer had the time to focus on devising new and innovative strategies. The game became a matter of execution, not creative vision.

KeSPA's vaunted star power was also losing its luster. In response to the criticism that pre-releasing the match-ups made the gambling easier, KeSPA tournaments began announcing match-ups at the beginning of the tournament instead of 48 hours ahead of the game. This, of course, destroyed the chance to build up  the fans' anticipation for watching the star players battling each other. Also, as KeSPA's tournaments slowly squeezed the life out of the non-KeSPA tournaments, new and exciting rookie stars became fewer and farther in between. An aspiring pro gamer could no longer capture the lightning in the bottle by suddenly making a run to the championship, like when Y.E. Yang did by defeating Tiger Woods in the 2009 PGA Championship. Instead, the aspiring gamer had to join a pro team, and undergo the deadening process of playing in the practice squad for the more established players until he was good and ready to play in the big leagues.

The sentencing in the match-fixing scandal was in October 2010. Around the same time, two of the twelve professional teams disappeared: one team, CJ Entus, would merged into Hite Sparkys, forming a new team Hite Entus. Another team, eStro, could not find a buyer and simply had to fold. The finishing blow would come the next year: MBC, one of the three major TV stations of Korea, decided to turn its e-sports channel into a music channel. This meant that the MSL (MBCgame Starcraft League), one of the two greatest Starcraft tournaments, would end as well. The Global Starcraft II League (GSL), run by Gom TV, stepped into the breach, but the Internet-based Gom TV simply could not match the gravitas that MBC lent to the legitimacy of e-sports. 

In addition, Blizzard released Starcraft II in June 2010, creating a period of uncertainty: will Korea's e-sports fans continue to enthusiastically watch Starcraft II matches, like the way they did with the first Starcraft? By all accounts (including mine,) Starcraft II is a great, fun game. But the broadcasting rights battle lingered between KeSPA and Blizzard: in 2010, the broadcasting rights issue was still not completely settled. With the two parties bickering, the smooth transition from Starcraft to Starcraft II became all but impossible. Accordingly, a significant number of fans did not make the transition from watching Starcraft to Starcraft II. Starcraft sold 11 million copies worldwide, 6 million in Korea. As of April 2013, Starcraft II sold 5 million copies, and only 400,000 copies in Korea. Once upon a time, every single one of Korea's PC Bang--the high-speed Internet cafes--carried Starcraft, playing a vital role in establishing Starcraft as a major part of Korean popular culture. Today, only 1 percent of Korea's PC Bang carries Starcraft II.

With the declining fan base, players no longer stepped up to become professional gamers. KeSPA had to cancel the December 2012 Starcraft II rookie tournament, because it did not have enough applicants. In 2008, 184 rookie Starcraft players participated in the KeSPA draft, aspiring to be professional gamers. In the 2013 draft, there were nine Starcraft II players. The writing was on the wall: e-sports with Starcraft would not be the same in Korea. Its heyday came in 2007. Greed and time destroyed it.

Is This the End? League of Legends and New Hope

In 2012, e-sports in Korea appeared to be at the brink of death. For the last decade, Starcraft was synonymous with Korea's e-sports. Without Starcraft, there was no more e-sports. Were the e-sports in Korea meeting the fate of jai alai in the U.S.? The excitement, the drama, the tens of thousands of screaming fans--were they all just a beautiful fleeting dream?

It was not the end. Starcraft may not reclaim its past glory, but the infrastructure of e-sports remained in Korea. Even though Koreans no longer watched Starcraft on television, the decade of e-sports in Korea legitimized e-sports, like the way poker became legitimized in the U.S. in the last decade through incessant coverage from ESPN. Video games are no longer children's games in Korea; at least certain high-quality video games deserved professional leagues, television broadcasts and live tournaments in which people would pay--directly or indirectly--to watch.

As Starcraft declined, a new game would assume the mantle: League of Legends by Riot Games. Riot Games developed League of Legends with an explicit goal of making it the next dominant e-sport platform. Although Riot Games is based in Santa Monica, California, it hired a former e-sports team official from Korea to create inroads to Korea's e-sports market. League of Legends is now the most distributed game in Korea's PC Bangs. In the League of Legends live tournament held in September 2012, more than 11,000 spectators gathered in an outdoor plaza in Seoul to watch. Significantly, 2,000 of them purchased tickets to watch the game live, marking this tournament to be one of the few occasions in which an e-sports event attracted a significant number of paying spectators who came to a defined space to watch the game live.

The high-flying era of Korea's e-sports, when professional Starcraft was regarded with the same esteem as pro baseball or soccer, is no more. But e-sports did not die, and will not die. As long as there are displays of high-level skills, and the giant crowd is wiling to watch those displays, e-sports will live on.

Got a question or a comment for the Korean? Email away at askakorean@gmail.com.

Korean Statistic of the Day: Reusable Paper

According to Statistics Korea, 81.3% of Korean office workers re-use the paper so that both sides would be printed. While this is a desirable practice overall as a matter of conservation, re-using the paper is sometimes known to cause public disclosure of sensitive information printed previously.

Got a question or a comment for the Korean? Email away at askakorean@gmail.com.

Legalized Pot-Stepping

Dear Korean,

I've recently been getting into Korean dramas and picked
The Moon Embracing the Sun as my first. In an early episode, they try to find an eligible girl for the prince to marry. In one scene they have a line of young girls entering through the palace gates and stepping on this wooden or stone thing with their right foot as part of their entry pathway. If this is part of real traditional process, why do they do this? I was thinking it might be to test their grace, as girls who slip would be instantly eliminated?

A new Drama fan.

Enough with the depressing North Korea news. Here is an obligatory installment of AAK! where the Korean, bound, gagged and with a gun pointed to his head, is forced to answer a question about Korean dramas.
 
The drama in question is 해를 품은 달, and this is the scene that the questioner is referring to:

(source)
What are the women stepping on? It is actually the lid of a very large, cast-iron pot. In a traditional Korean kitchen, it is common to have a giant pot, about two feet wide or larger, in which the rice for the whole family is cooked. The women are stepping on the lid of such a pot.

This custom was not limited to the royal court, by the way. The pot lid also made an appearance in a wedding for the noblemen. The new bride would be carried from her old family to her husband's house in a carriage, and the carriage would stop inside of the walls of the house. The pot lid would be placed at the ground next to the carriage, such that the new bride would step on the lid first before stepping on the ground.

Why? There are two theories, and either or both may be true. The first is the theory that the questioner guessed--to test the grace and balance of the women who will eventually be the queen. The grace and balance are not just for the sake of physical appearance; it was believed that a graceful walk over the lid would lead to a smooth, peaceful marriage. In the drama Queen Myeongseong [명성황후], the princess-to-be is seen slipping from the lid, portending a rocky marriage. (Remember folks--this is just a drama. There is no record as to whether Queen Myeongseong actually slipped from the lid.)

The second theory is more directly connected to superstition. The lid, for obvious reasons, represents the kitchen and the spirit residing there. By stepping on the lid, the new bride is making an acquaintance with the spirit of the new kitchen, in which she will undoubtedly spend a great deal of time. (Don't shoot me for the sexism here. The Korean is just a messenger.) Considering the more widespread custom involving the noblemen, this is probably the truer purpose of stepping on the pot lid. In fact, in case of a wedding of a noble family, the bride uses two hands to lift up the pot lid three times before leaving her house, as a way of saying farewell to the old kitchen spirit.

Got a question or a comment for the Korean? Email away at askakorean@gmail.com.

Can North Korea Back Out Now?

Dear Korean,

Are things so dire in North Korea that war is the only way out?

Paul R.


Normally, the Korean only accepts questions via email and not through Twitter, Facebook or other channels. But this question, sent via Twitter, was just so spot-on that the Korean could not resist. 

(If you have a problem with this, please refer to the AAK! Policies. It is my blog, and I will do whatever the hell I damn well please with it. Don't be surprised if you visit this blog tomorrow and suddenly run into a foot fetish porno site. You just never know.)

Let us elaborate the question just a little bit. As North Korea escalates the tension, there is a fear that Kim Jong-un is putting himself into a position from which he cannot exit without some kind of military action. The thought is: if Kim Jong-un threatens to use force, he can't not use force if he wishes to maintain any level of credibility. 

Is this true? It may well be, but no one really knows. But here is the question we can actually answer: does this have to be true? For that question, the answer is a resounding no--because North Korea previously backed off after having taken even closer step toward the brink: it actually killed American soldiers at Panmunjeom.

(More after the jump.)

Got a question or a comment for the Korean? Email away at askakorean@gmail.com.



Yes, this actually happened. In August 18, 1976, 11 soldiers--six Americans and five South Koreans--were overseeing a gang of five South Korean workers in the Joint Security Area near Panmunjeom. The South Korean workers were trying to cut down a large tree within the JSA that obstructed the sight line between the two watch posts.The tree was near the edge of the South Korean portion of the JSA. 

The American soldiers and the North Korean soldiers have been engaged in low-level physical scuffles and yelling arguments for about a month prior to this incident. Several times, North Korean soldiers attempted to kidnap the U.S. soldiers from the post nearest to the Armistice Line. In one occasion, Capt. Arthur Bonifas, Joint Security Force Company Commander, had to cross the Armistice Line and force the North Korean soldiers to release a group of American soldiers, whom the North Korean soldiers held at gunpoint.

Map of the JSA, August 18, 1976. The tree to be cut down is in the bottom left corner.
Across the "Bridge of No Return" is North Korean territory.
(source)
On August 18, 1976, the rising tension came to a head. When the South Korean workers began cutting down the tree, a number of North Korean soldiers appeared and demanded the work to be stopped, claiming that the tree was planted by Kim Il-sung himself. Capt. Bonifas, supervising the work, ignored the North Korean soldiers and ordered the work to be continued. Then the North Korean soldiers suddenly attacked with clubs, hatchets and pickaxes, aiming for the American soldiers. Capt. Bonifas was bludgeoned to death. All but one person out of the 11 American and South Korean soldiers were severely wounded, and one American soldier--First Lieutenant Mark Barrett--died from his injuries. This is now known as the Panmunjeom Axe Murder Incident.

Three days after the killing, the U.S. implemented the Operation Paul Bunyan--the operation to cut down the tree, while being escorted by an overwhelming show of force. The U.S. military operated at DEFCON 2 during the operation. (DEFCON 1 is the state in which nuclear war is imminent; it has never been called.) More than 800 American and South Korean soldiers formed a task force to cut down the tree. Behind them were 27 helicopters, 20 F-111 fighters, 24 F-4 fighters, and three B-52 bombers. Aircraft carrier Midway was moved to just off the coast of Korean Peninsula.

When the U.S.-South Korea task force began cutting the tree, between 150 and 200 North Korean soldiers with assault rifles and machine guns took their position. It took more than 40 minutes to cut down the tree, after which the task force withdrew. As the task force was cutting the tree, the South Korean soldiers were loudly taunting the North Korean soldiers to cross the line and stop them. Later that day, the North Korean soldiers shot at an American helicopter circling over Panmunjeom, but no one was injured. 

This moment is almost certainly the closest that the two Koreas approached the Second Korean War. To be sure, one can make a solid argument in favor of other moments. The U.S.S. Pueblo Incident in 1968 was close. So was 1993, when U.S. seriously considered a surgical strike against North Korea's nuclear facility, or the shelling of Yeonpyeong Island by North Korea in 2010. But in none of those cases did U.S. mobilize its forces and had them face off eyeball-to-eyeball with North Korean forces, as it did with the Axe Murder Incident. 

At the moment, in 1976, it would have been fair to wonder if Kim Il-sung painted himself into a corner, such that a war was the only way out. But thankfully, the situation did not escalate from there. Incredibly, North Korea issued a half-apology, expressing regret over the incident and pledging not to engage in provocation.

So, to address the question. Will Kim Jong-un go to war? No one knows, and no one can know. Personally, I think that when North Korea shut off the Gaeseong Industrial Complex, the risk of war went from "trivial" to "small". But is Kim Jong-un in a place where he has no way out other than a war? No. It is not even close: his grandfather backed off from an even greater indignity. There is room for Kim Jong-un to back off. The million-dollar question is whether he will.

Got a question or a comment for the Korean? Email away at askakorean@gmail.com.

Korea Fact of the Day: Gaeseong Industrial Complex

Gaeseong Industrial Complex (GIC) is an industrial complex in Gaeseong, North Korea, which is developed jointly by the two Koreas:  South Korea supplies the corporations and capital equipments, and North Korea supplies the workers and the land. Every day, hundreds of South Korean workers--usually middle- and senior-managers--enter and exit North Korea to oversee the operations at the GIC.

As a part of its attempt to raise the tension in the region, North Korea has forbidden South Korean managerial workers from entering North Korea for the last six days. (South Korean workers who were at the GIC, however, were allowed to return home.) Yesterday, North Korea announced that it will shut down the GIC and withdraw all of its workers. Shutting down the GIC is probably the highest level of threat that North Korea may issue, short of actually attacking South Korea. This is because since its founding in 2005, the GIC never closed--not in the face of, for example, the shelling of Yeonpyeong-do in which North Korea actually attacked South Korean territory and killed four people.

Here is a collection of all relevant charts regarding the GIC, created by South Korea's Ministry of Unification. GIC hosts 123 corporations, which manufactured $460 million's worth of products in 2012. It employs over 53,000 North Korean laborers. Last year, nearly 246 vehicles crossed the Armistice Line from South Korea to North Korea every day to deliver supplies to the GIC.

Got a question or a comment for the Korean? Email away at askakorean@gmail.com.

"Anonymous" Hacking of NK Website Leads to McCarthyian Witch Hunt in SK

The "hacktivist" group "Anonymous" made news by hacking into North Korea's propaganda websites, and seizing control of North Korean propaganda machine's Twitter and Flickr accounts. (One important note here: regardless of what they claim, it is extremely unlikely that Anonymous hacked into North Korea, as North Korea's propaganda sites are based out China.) 

Anonymous demands that Kim Jong-un resign and install direct democracy in North Korea. At the same time, apparently in order to prove that they indeed hacked into North Korea's propaganda site, Anonymous released the information of the membership of that website--the email addresses, date of birth and other personal information of more than 9,000 members of the propaganda site.

Well, these self-proclaimed freedom fighters probably did not anticipate what would have followed. It was apparent from the email addresses that many of them were of South Korean origin. For example, more than 1,400 email addresses ended in hanmail.net, a large email servicer in South Korea. Out of the 9,000 email addresses, more than 2,000 appear to be of South Korean origin. Seizing upon this, the South Korean far-right wingers engaged in a campaign of Internet stalking to indiscriminately reveal actual names, addresses, occupations and phone numbers of the South Korean individuals who joined the North Korean propaganda site.

As of this moment, there is simply no guarantee that the email addresses that Anonymous revealed in fact belong to North Korean sympathizers. From the emails, the opposite is more likely to be the case, as many of the emails belong to South Korean news organizations. The email addresses even include South Korean National Assembly and the conservative New Frontier Party. There is also the concern that the email addresses were fake or misappropriated. Some of the emails, for example, belong to the email of the webmasters that are publicly on display on large-scale websites.

But such subtleties are completely lost on South Korean right-wingers, who consider North Korean sympathizers to be the absolute evil that must be destroyed at all costs, even if the cost include basic civil liberties for democracy. Already, several South Koreans received a flood of emails and phone calls, shouting obscenities and death threats. South Korea's Supreme Prosecutor's Office vowed to investigate the South Korean members of the site as well, turning this episode into a veritable witch hunt.

Partly because the tyranny of North Korea is so horrific, it is often lost on people that South Korea's own fascist tyranny in the recent past was not much better than North Korea's communist tyranny, and the traces of such fascism still exert strong influences in South Korea. So we might soon see the tragicomedic spectacle of more than 2,000 South Koreans lined up to be prosecuted for daring to browse through a North Korean website.

Got a question or a comment for the Korean? Email away at askakorean@gmail.com.

Thoughts on NYT Article about the Oikos Shooting

Dear Korean,

Am I the only Korean American that thinks some of this article is patently ridiculous? Yes, 'han' is uniquely a Korean word, and even we Koreans like to pretend that it's a uniquely Korean thing. And I see that the writer is trying to be somewhat balanced in his treatment of the issue. Still, I can't help but think that whenever 'han' or 'jeong' is brought up to explain how Koreans act, it's a gesture of "othering" us. We, like people of any culture, are not so strange from the rest of humanity that our actions have to be explained in terms of unique emotions that westerners can't possibly understand.

David H.


David H. is speaking of this article by Jay Kang, a Korean American writer who wrote a lengthy feature regarding the Oikos College mass shooting for the New York Times. Regardless of precisely one may feel about it, it is a good read. The Korean would recommend reading it.

The Oikos Shooting occurred on April 2, 2012. The shooter was One L. Goh, a Korean immigrant. In the article discussing the shooting, Kang advances two major points. First is that, for a mass shooting that left behind seven dead people, the shooting at Oikos did not receive much attention, and was quickly forgotten--likely because the college was an obscure, technical school, and those who died were immigrants and racial minorities. After examining the lives of the victims who died in the shooting, Kang presents this points in a powerful manner:
It rakes at your guts, to watch your tragedies turn invisible. You know why it’s happening, but admitting it to yourself — that it has to do in some indivisible way with the value of immigrants’ lives — is something you’d rather not confront. The victims of the Oikos massacre came from Korean, Indian, Tibetan, Nigerian, Filipino and Guyanese backgrounds. They attended a low-cost, for-profit, poorly rated Korean-community nursing school in a completely featureless building set along the edge of a completely unremarkable part of Oakland. They were not held up as beacons for the possibilities of immigration, nor were they the faces of urban decay and the need for government assistance and intervention. They did not exist within any politicized realm. One Goh came from the same forgotten stock. And because the Oikos shooting occurred in a community that bore almost no resemblance to the rest of the country, the magnitude of the tragedy was contained almost entirely within the same small immigrant circles, many of whom fear that any talk about such terrible things will bring shame directly on them.
The Korean cannot help but admire Kang's writing prowess on display in this paragraph. "To watch your tragedies turn invisible." That is a fantastic phrase that very succinctly captures the lot of racial minorities in America.

The second point that Kang advances may be more controversial--and this is the point to which the questioner David objects. Kang notes that the Oikos shooting was the second mass-shooting involving a Korean American perpetrator since the Virginia Tech shooting with Cho Seung-hui. Kang attempts to find a Korean cultural trait that might connect the two shooters, and in the process speaks with Winston Chung, a child psychiatrist in the Bay Area:
Chung’s interest in One Goh and Seung-Hui Cho comes from a lifelong, personal investigation into han and hwabyung, two Korean cultural concepts that have no equivalent in the English language. By Western standards, the two words are remarkably similar. Both describe a state of hopeless, crippling sadness combined with anger at an unjust world. And both suggest entrapment by suppressed emotions. Both words have been a part of the Korean lexicon for as long as anyone can remember, their roots in the country’s history of occupation, war and poverty.
To the degree equal to which the Korean admired the earlier quoted paragraph, he cringes at this paragraph. One should be automatically suspicious when there is a claim that certain words or concepts are "untranslatable" or "have no equivalent." Also, in a previous post, I wrote that it makes little sense to talk about certain types of super special Korean emotion such as jeong

To be sure, Kang does not go so far as to blame some type of Korean essence as the culprit for a proliferation of Korean American mass shooters. (In fact, there is no such proliferation.) In this sense, the Korean would disagree with David H.'s assessment, even as I understand where he is coming from. Yes, I would agree that maybe the concepts like han and hwabyung were better left unintroduced, or at least not characterized something unique to Koreans that Anglophones cannot understand. But Kang is not exactly latching onto this concept to make a broad indictment about Koreans. (Kang's interview with the NPR on this point makes his intentions clearer.)

On that point, this paragraph was both revealing and puzzling to the Korean:
Two Korean-American men, five years apart, walked into their former places of education and executed innocent students. This, by definition, is a coincidence, but you’d be hard-pressed to find a single Korean-American who feels that way. I have no idea whether these killings came out of han or hwabyung or some other shared heritage, but it’s clear that the search for an explanation is far more threatening to the Korean-American community than whatever the actual answer might be.
This paragraph is revealing because it makes clear that Kang is not exactly blaming han or whatever cultural characteristic that is supposed to be unique to Koreans. Kang just wants to find some logic, any logic that might connect the two shooters, because as a Korean American man, he feels that connection may explain something about himself as well. Kang knows that it is a tenuous logic to latch onto han or hwabyung, so he refrains from completely buying into those concepts. But a tenuous logic might have to do when there is no other real logic.

But on a personal level, the paragraph was at the same time hugely puzzling. The Korean furrowed his brow at this sentence in particular:  "This, by definition, is a coincidence, but you’d be hard-pressed to find a single Korean-American who feels that way." Hard-pressed? I am a Korean American, and it never occurred to me that the connection between Virginia Tech shooting and Oikos shooting was anything other than coincidental. I know I am not alone in this. I am inclined to think that David H. might feel the same way. I certainly did not have the same kind of conversation that Kang and his Korean American friend had with my own Korean American friends. 

So this was the puzzling part. Kang does not actually think that the connection between the two shootings is not coincidental. (Please excuse the double negative.) Then why does Kang, and a lot of Korean Americans that he knows, feel that it was not coincidental? And why does the Korean, and a lot of Korean Americans that he knows, do not feel the same? What sets these two camps of Korean Americans apart? 

This is even more puzzling because, even as Kang talks about how he instantly understood the term "typical Korean father," he says his own father does not fit into that concept. I, on the other hand, would describe the Korean Father as a "typical Korean father"--yet I do not feel the compulsion to somehow connect the two shootings through some nebulous Korean essence. One might expect that Kang and I would have the opposite attitudes: Kang with nonchalance recognition of coincidence, and the Korean with brooding search for some kind of Korea-related explanation. Yet somewhere there is a twist along the way, and we stand on the opposite shores of where we are expected to be. So what, exactly, is it that separates Jay Kang and the Korean? 

Ever since the flare-up with Wesley Yang, I am sensing that there is an important fault line within the Korean American community that is only instinctively recognized. I feel that this is another manifestation of that fault line. How deep and how far that line runs is the question that requires more thought.

Got a question or a comment for the Korean? Email away at askakorean@gmail.com.